“America goes not abroad; in search of monsters to destroyâ€â€•John Quincy Adams’s famous words are often quoted to justify noninterference in other nations’ affairs. Yet when he spoke them; Adams was not advocating neutrality or passivity but rather outlining a national policy that balanced democratic idealism with a pragmatic understanding of the young republic’s capabilities and limitations. America’s rise from a confederation of revolutionary colonies to a world power is often treated as inevitable; but Charles N. Edel’s provocative biography of Adams argues that he served as the central architect of a grand strategy that shaped America’s rise. Adams’s particular combination of ideas and policies made him a critical link between the founding generation and the Civil War–era nation of Lincoln.Examining Adams’s service as senator; diplomat; secretary of state; president; and congressman; Edel’s study of this extraordinary figure reveals a brilliant but stubborn man who was both visionary prophet and hard-nosed politician. Adams’s ambitions on behalf of America’s interests; combined with a shrewd understanding of how to counter the threats arrayed against them; allowed him to craft a multitiered policy to insulate the nation from European quarrels; expand U.S. territory; harness natural resources; develop domestic infrastructure; education; and commerce; and transform the United States into a model of progress and liberty respected throughout the world.While Adams did not live to see all of his strategy fulfilled; his vision shaped the nation’s agenda for decades afterward and continues to resonate as America pursues its place in the twenty-first-century world.
#269024 in Books Freedman Estelle B 2015-10-05Original language:EnglishPDF # 1 8.80 x 1.00 x 5.80l; .0 #File Name: 0674088115416 pagesRedefining Rape Sexual Violence in the Era of Suffrage and Segregation
Review
7 of 8 people found the following review helpful. Well Researched; Very Informative; and Much NeededBy Social HistorianFreedman covers feminists' and civil rights activists' attempts to broaden the definition of rape from the colonial era to the present day. As the author argues; who is protected by rape is largely linked to who is entitled to full citizenship. Women actively sought ways to have more control over their bodies; by advocating for women jurors; women police officers; as well as participated in grassroots activism to expand the definition of rape to include the act of seduction; the protection of young girls; and street harassment (called mashing at the time). She also has a chapter of the sexual vulnerability of boys; which emerged as our modern ideas of sexuality formed at the turn of the century; and with the arrival of new immigrants who were associated with sodomy. The bulk of the book covers the 1870s to the 1930s. She does; however; start in the colonial era and goes to the present day by demonstrating that our current debates over the meaning of rape is largely reflective of prior arguments.Those interested in women's history and African American history will find this book as a great contribution to the politics of women's bodies. Social class and race were critical aspects in determining whether a woman's account of rape was believable; and often middle- and upper-middle class white men got off the hook by pointing out their accusers' prior sexual history (an issues that has not gone away). Those interested in women's history will also be interested in the chapter titled "Smashing the Masher;" where she documents white and black women efforts to take on men who harassed them in the street. Reflective of modern-day defense class; some women advocated for women police officers; and some women took boxing lessons to defend themselves. This demonstrated women's rejection of male protection and embracement of self-reliance.Regarding topics that I wished the author would had discussed: sexual violence beyond the black-white binary. She does not mention in detail about the struggle and advocacy of Latino and Asian women. Mexican women are mentioned; but not as a political force. The Mexican-American civil rights movement has its origins in the 1920s; and it makes the reader wonder if Mexican women were viewed as sexually available; and if so; did they resist. As for Asian women; since one-third of Chinese women immigrants were prostitutes; it does beg the question of what type of organizing; if any existed; emerged to challenge the position of Chinese women. This might; however; require examining sources written in Spanish and in various Asian languages. Although rape is a broad topic; and I did not expect the author to cover every form of rape; I did wonder what type of activism or concerns did people have regarding the emergence of women colleges. They appeared in the late 1800s; and girls on their own and away from their parents' supervision probably caused some social anxieties. Other than those two issues; the author accomplishes her goal by showing that the current culture war over the meaning of rape is a reoccurring theme in society. And as she states in the end; our struggle to define rape will continue so long as inequalities in race and gender continue to characterize American society. In our current times; this book is well needed.0 of 0 people found the following review helpful. Five StarsBy CNARE 60Great Read1 of 5 people found the following review helpful. excellentBy Sine AnahitaFreedman's book is an excellent resource for women's gender studies classes; sociology; and/or history classes. I recommend it highly.
